Netanyahu Will Get a Warmer Welcome in Washington than he Would in Israel

One thing is certain about the reception awaiting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Washington today—it will be far more favorable than the one he encountered at Kibbutz Nir Oz.

Roughly a quarter of the small community of Nir Oz’s residents were murdered or abducted to Gaza on Oct. 7th. Among those taken alive by Hamas terrorists, many were murdered in captivity while Netanyahu repeatedly blocked ceasefire attempts. Many families of hostages, realizing that Netanyahu was prolonging the war for his political survival, publicly denounced the Israeli Prime Minister and appealed to President Donald Trump for help.

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When Netanyahu finally decided to appear in Nir Oz, 636 days after the massacre, the roads leading to the kibbutz were scattered with signs: “Mr. Abandonment.”

The Israeli PM undoubtedly feels more at home in the White House than in many parts of Israel. One survey found that 73% of Israelis want Netanyahu to resign and support for his Likud party is falling. 

In Tel Aviv, loud weekly demonstrations demand an end to the war and his removal from office. Outside Netanyahu’s private residence—Israel’s version to Mar-a-Lago—a protest vigil is maintained by hostage families, under the banner “Crime-Minister.” Indeed, Netanyahu is also facing three separate legal cases, on charges of bribery, fraud, and breach of trust. He consistently requests judges to postpone his trial hearings citing “security developments,” and indeed, as the war drags on, so does the trial.

Last week, the president of the United States offered a solution to this problem: the cancellation of Netanyahu’s corruption trial. To the complete surprise of many in Israel, Trump called for the charges against Netanyahu to be dropped—a blatant interference in the judicial system of another sovereign state. Perhaps Trump, with his vocal interest in ending the war in Gaza, understands that it will persist as long as Netanyahu has a personal interest in its continuation. Eliminate the trial, and you eliminate the interest.

Many in Israel are prepared for this cynical solution. They feel that the damage Netanyahu is inflicting is so immense that they are willing to let him evade justice, provided a ceasefire takes effect. The problem, however, is that no one guarantees Netanyahu will uphold his end of the bargain. Riding on the laurels of military success in Iran, Netanyahu and Trump envision themselves as guardians of the free world. While an Iranian atomic bomb indeed poses a substantive threat to global freedom, the danger these two present to democratic systems is no less significant. Their methods are strikingly similar: intimidate the judiciary, appoint loyalists to key professional positions, systematically demonize segments of the population, and weaponize the term “anti-Semitism” to deflect legitimate criticism.

While Israel has every right to defend itself and respond to the atrocities of Oct. 7th, nothing can justify the horrors currently committed in Gaza. Netanyahu labels as anti-Semitic anyone who dares to criticize his conduct of the war, yet, many of these critics are Israelis, Jews, who identify as Zionists and condemn the mass killing of a civilian population. 

Many, myself included, are deeply concerned by the rise of anti-Semitism in the United States. But we are also increasingly concerned by the leveraging of the term “anti-Semitism” in attempts to silence criticism of the most extremist government in Israel’s history. Now, criticism inside Israeli society can no longer be silenced. The lack of trust and growing skepticism about Netanyahu’s intentions are reflected in the dwindling public approval among Israelis.

Ultimately, we don’t need Netanyahu celebrated in the Oval Office. We need an end to this war.